Sunday, December 15, 2019
Max Weber Free Essays
Max Weber on Religion Max Weber, a German social scientist born in 1864, felt religion played an important role in society. Weber attended the University of Berlin where he studied economics and law, along with several other subjects including philosophy, religion and art. He had three tools of sociological inquiry that focused on explaining human actions. We will write a custom essay sample on Max Weber or any similar topic only for you Order Now Weberââ¬â¢s first principle of Verstehen is the German term for ââ¬Å"understanding. â⬠This principle states that we cannot explain the actions of humans because they are not driven by external factors but by internal values held by the individual. The second is Ideal-Typus, which states that we form a purposeful exaggeration of what should be. And lastly, his principle of Values states that when dealing with science, values should not be mixed in. Also facts and values are very different things. In Weberââ¬â¢s first major work on religion, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, he claimââ¬â¢s ââ¬Å"that there is a close connection between religion, the rise of economic capitalism, and the birth of modern civilization in Western Europeâ⬠(Pals 160). He observed that the Protestants were leading in business and he concluded that they did everything following the will God in their lives. Therefore, Weber believed that religion does affect ones behavior causing it to affect the economy. In, Sociology of Religion, Weber focuses on three different religious leaders. The first is a magician. For Weber, religion is something that is fixed with special experiences, or ââ¬Å"ecstatic statesâ⬠, and magicians are those that are put ââ¬Å"beyond the realm of everyday activity and disclose themselves to another realm of realityâ⬠(Pals 166). Magicians would be called to cure illnesses or assist in the growth of crops. Weber thinks that they are ââ¬Å"permanently endowed with charismaâ⬠which is key in a religious leader. The second religious leader that Weber talks about is a priest. They are usually in charge of religious rituals held in a temple. And lastly, the third of the religious leaders is the prophet. They are the bearers of charisma. Weberââ¬â¢s theory on religion is not one that I completely agree with but it is one that I found interesting. How to cite Max Weber, Essay examples Max Weber Free Essays string(133) " ideal lying behind this is that if the official has any source of income apart from a salary he will not reliably follow the rules\." POL264 Modern Political Theory MAX WEBER: ON BUREAUCRACY John Kilcullen Macquarie University Copyright (c) 1996, R. J. Kilcullen. We will write a custom essay sample on Max Weber or any similar topic only for you Order Now See Marx on Capitalism Reading Guide 8: Max Weber ââ¬ËGMââ¬â¢ refers to H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (trans. and ed. ), From Max Weber (New York, 1946) (H/33/. W36). ââ¬ËSEOââ¬â¢ refers to Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, tr. Henderson and Parsons (New York, 1947) ((HB/175/. W364). ââ¬ËESââ¬â¢ refers to Max Weber, Economy and Society, ed. G. Roth and C. Wittich (New York, 1968) (HM/57/. W342). Beethamââ¬â¢ refers to David Beetham, Max Weber and the Theory of Modern Politics (London, 1974) (JA/76/. B37). In this lecture I want to look at what Weber says about bureaucracy, in G and M, p. 196 ff, and in SEO, p. 329 ff. First, something about the word. ââ¬ËBureauââ¬â¢ (French, borrowed into German) is a desk, or by extension an office (as in ââ¬ËI will be at the office tomorrowââ¬â¢; ââ¬ËI work at the Bureau of Statisticsââ¬â¢). ââ¬ËBureaucracyââ¬â¢ is rule conducted from a desk or office, i. e. by the preparation and dispatch of written documents ââ¬â or, these days, their electronic equivalent. In the office are kept records of communications sent and received, the files or archives, consulted in preparing new ones. This kind of rule is of course not found in the ancient classifications of kinds of government: monarchy, aristocracy, democracy ââ¬â and bureaucracy? In fact it does not belong in such a classification. It is a servant of government, a means by which a monarchy, aristocracy, democracy, or other form of government, rules. Those who invented the word wanted to suggest that the servant was trying to become the master. Weber is of course aware of this tendency; in fact he attacked the pretensions of the Prussian bureaucracy to be an objective and neutral servant of society, above politics, and emphasized that every bureaucracy has interests of its own, and connections with other social strata (especially among the upper classes); see Beetham, chapter 3. But formally and in theory the bureaucracy is merely a means, and this is largely true also in practice: someone must provide policy direction and back the bureaucrat up (if necessary) with force. At the top of a bureaucratic organization, there is necessarily an element which is at least not purely bureaucraticââ¬â¢, SEO, p. 335, to give policy direction. In the middle ages the most effective kings ruled from horseback: they travelled round the country, armed, accompanied by armed men, and enforced their will. They were prepared if necessary to enforce their will on their armed companions by personal combat, though their prestige was such that t his was seldom necessary. The king was accompanied also by ââ¬Ëclerksââ¬â¢, i. e. lergy, who could read and write, who took along a chest containing records and writing materials; the modern bureaucracy developed from this. In modern countries the ruler does not have to fight in person, or travel round much; he or she rules by sending messages, through a bureau. The messages are usually acted on mainly because of the governmentââ¬â¢s moral authority or prestige (a ââ¬Ëstatusââ¬â¢ phenomenon), but also because they can be backed by force, by a ââ¬Ëstaffââ¬â¢ of police or soldiers. As Weber points out (e. g. SEO, pp. 330-1), armies have been bureaucratized. Napoleon had to watch his battle from horseback, but the modern general receives and sends messages. Napoleon had a ââ¬Ëstaffââ¬â¢, officers who galloped off with written messages, the modern army has a ââ¬Ëgeneral staffââ¬â¢; the Prussian general staff was in Weberââ¬â¢s time regarded with pride one of the key institutions of the German empire ââ¬â it was in Weberââ¬â¢s terms a bureaucracy. As he also points out, not only government services but also political parties, churches, educational institutions, and private businesses, and many other institutions have ureaucracies. That is, they all have a professional staff for keeping records and sending communications which will be regarded, at least by other staff of the same institution, as authoritative directions. Bureaucracies are found in ancient Egypt, ancient Rome, in the middle ages (notably the bureaucracy that served the pope). Bureaucracy is a pervasive feature of modern societies, ever growing in import ance, Weber believed. Weber sets out an ââ¬Ëideal typeââ¬â¢ (see last lecture) for bureaucracy, characterised by an elaborate hierarchical division of labour directed by explicit rules impersonally applied, staffed by full-time, life-time, professionals, who do not in any sense own the ââ¬Ëmeans of administrationââ¬â¢, or their jobs, or the sources of their funds, and live off a salary, not from income derived directly from the performance of their job. These are all features found in the public service, in the offices of private firms, in universities, and so on. Let me comment on these points, starting with the ââ¬Ëeconomicââ¬â¢ features. There have in history been governments whose members made no distinction in resources, income, expenditure, etc. between public and private. Weber calls these ââ¬Ëpatrimonialââ¬â¢ (from the Roman law term for property that can be bought or sold). In Europe in the middle ages, for example, ââ¬Ëjurisdictionââ¬â¢ was often as much a piece of property as a building or a horse. A kingdom might change hands as part of a marriage settlement. This was not true of jurisdiction and property in the Church, which did distinguish the prelateââ¬â¢s private property from that of his church, and did not allow jurisdiction to be inherited or transferred as property; it forbade ââ¬Ësimonyââ¬â¢ (buying and selling office in the church), and enforced celibacy to keep church office and property from falling into the patrimony of families. Weber also speaks of ââ¬Ëprebendsââ¬â¢ or ââ¬Ëbeneficesââ¬â¢ (terms used in the medieval Church), meaning an office to which is attached some income-yielding property, e. g. farm, or tithes, or tax-gathering rights, from which the office holder livesââ¬âbut this property does not belong to the beneficiary/prebendary and cannot be sold or bequeathed. The modern bureaucrat is even further removed from property: he or she does not have a prebend, but is paid a salary. Bureaucrats are not allowed to charge fees for themselves (if fees are charged they belong to the government, fi rm, etc. ), or to accept gifts. The ideal lying behind this is that if the official has any source of income apart from a salary he will not reliably follow the rules. You read "Max Weber" in category "Papers" Reliable following of the official rules is one of the highest values in a bureaucracy. The modern bureaucrat does not own his job (SEO, p. 332). Some governments have sold offices, to raise money. This was true, for example, of judicial positions in 18th century France, of commissions in the army and navy in most European countries into the 19th century. The vested rights of office holders were an obstacle to reorganization, an impediment to efficiency; so they were bought out, or expropriated with compensation. Bureaucrats do not own the ââ¬Ëmeans of administrationââ¬â¢ ââ¬â the computers, the furniture, the files, etc. Weber suggests a parallel with capitalist productive enterprise (GM, pp. 81-2). Similarly, in modern armies the soldier does not own his weapons, whereas in ancient armies he did (GM, pp. 221-2). For example, in ancient Rome when the army was called together the ââ¬Ëclassesââ¬â¢ were expected to come equipped to a certain standard at their own expense ââ¬â ââ¬Ëclassificationââ¬â¢ was a form of taxation. Soldiers were expected to bring money to buy food from the locals (when they did not take what they wanted by force); they got no pay or provisions. In modern educational institutions teachers do not own what they use (in medieval universities originally they did, and in fact each ââ¬Ëmasterââ¬â¢ owned a school which was a private business enterprise). ââ¬ËThe bureaucratization ofâ⬠¦ the universities is a function of the increasing demand for material means of managementâ⬠¦ Through the concentration of such means in the hands of the privileged head of the institute, the mass of researchers and docents (lecturers) are separated from their ââ¬Å"means of productionâ⬠in the same way as capitalist enterprise has separated the workers from theirsââ¬â¢, GM, pp. 23-4. In the modern army, public service, private firm, the equipment is provided by the organization partly because this is more efficient now that it is so elaborate and expensive. The modern bureaucrat is a full-time, life-time professional; this requires a sufficient salary and job security, because otherwise people will not stay in the job full ti me for life. Unless they do, the organization will not be efficient. It takes time and experience to learn the job, not so much because it is difficult to perform the particular task, but because it all has to be coordinated. An elaborate division of labour requires stability of staff. Because of the nature of bureaucratic work, and also perhaps because of the importance of training and coordination in the job, the bureaucracy wants educated recruits. Their education will be attested by some certificate (partly just to prove they have been educated, but also perhaps because a bureaucracy likes to work with clear impersonal criteria). Weber speaks of ââ¬Ëcredentialismââ¬â¢, the preoccupation evident in modern societies with formal educational qualifications. All these things ââ¬â credentials, fixed salary, tenure, stability of staffing, Weber incorporates into his ideal type. They are all required, he believes, for the efficient functioning of an administrative machine. Another feature is the impersonal application of general rules, both to the outsiders the organization deals with, and to its own staff. The Taxation Commissionerââ¬â¢s staff impersonally, objectively, apply the rules to the taxpayer, and their own duties and rights within the organization are defined by rules applied to them impersonally by their superiors. In Weberââ¬â¢s mind this is the most important feature of bureaucracy. It underlies the features we have been commenting on up to this point: bureaucrats do not own their equipment or their job, and receive a fixed salary etc. , because these things ensure reliable rule-following. In ESO he treats of bureaucracy under the heading of Types of Legitimate Authority. There are three types: rational, traditional and charismatic. Charismatic authority is regarded as legitimate, and works, because followers are personally devoted to the ââ¬Ëgiftedââ¬â¢ leader. Traditional authority is regarded as legitimate because everyone has always obeyed whoever was in the leaderââ¬â¢s position, and no one thinks of disputing his authority. Rational authority is the ââ¬Ërule of lawââ¬â¢: it exists in a community in which there is a moral attitude of respect for the law as such, or because the law has been arrived at in a way that is regarded as legitimate. Rulers are recognised and obeyed if they can show a warrant in the law. Bureaucracy obviously exists within such a framework: even in the bureaucracy of a private firm, subordinates want to be assured that orders are properly authorised. Bureaucracy is the most efficient way of implementing the rule of law: the legal rules are recorded, studied, and applied in a carefully considered and reliable way to individual cases. Why does Weber regard the rule of law as ââ¬Ërationalââ¬â¢? One possible answer is suggested by his statement that ââ¬Ëany given legal norm may be establishedâ⬠¦ on grounds of expediency or rational values or both, with a claim to obedienceââ¬â¢, SEO, p. 329. ââ¬ËExpediencyââ¬â¢ is, in Weberââ¬â¢s thinking, one of the two main forms of rationality, and ââ¬Ërational valuesââ¬â¢ is the other. So he is saying that law may be rational in either or both of those ways, and (therefore? ) claim obedience. Insofar as the law is rational, obedience is rational, and the rule of law is rational. In other places he emphasises the rationality of bureaucracy in precisely the first of those two senses. So let me explain the two senses more carefully. He distinguishes the ââ¬Ëzweckrationellââ¬â¢ from the ââ¬Ëwertrationellââ¬â¢, the ââ¬Ëgoal-rationalââ¬â¢ and the ââ¬Ëvalue-rationalââ¬â¢ (SEO, p. 115). ââ¬ËZweckââ¬â¢ means end, purpose, goal. Goal-rational behaviour is whatever course of conduct is well-adapted as a means to oneââ¬â¢s ends, whatever they may be; i. e. it is economic efficiency from the actorââ¬â¢s point of view ââ¬â given that these are my goals, and these are the resources available to me, what is the effective way of achieving these goals? The Nazi ââ¬Ëfinal solutionââ¬â¢ might be said to be rational if it really was an efficient solution to what its proponents saw as a problem, whether they were right to see it as a problem or not, and whether it was moral or immoral. And very often Weber writes as if the intelligent choice of means is all that rationality can be. But from time to time he says that the rationality of actions is not always determined by their effectiveness in furthering goals, but sometimes by some other sort of relation to values that are not goals, and that goals and other values also can be rational or irrational. For example, to tell a lie may be an effective means of furthering oneââ¬â¢s goals, but it may violate a moral value, a value that truth-telling serves in some sense other than as a means to achieve a goal; and truthfulness is not a goal, but a ââ¬Ëvalueââ¬â¢ of some other sort (we also ââ¬Ëvalueââ¬â¢ ultimate goals). So occasionally he distinguishes between ââ¬Ëgoal-rationalityââ¬â¢ ââ¬â effectiveness in serving oneââ¬â¢s goals whatever they are, rational or irrational ââ¬â and ââ¬Ëvalue-rationalityââ¬â¢, the rationality of goals (and not merely as means to some ulterior goal) and other values, and of actions in their relation (otherwise than as means) to some value. But only occasionally: often he treats rationality as synonymous with efficiency. And it is in this sense, I think, that he means that bureaucracy is rational in the following: ââ¬ËExperience tends universally to show that the purely bureaucratic type of administrative organizationâ⬠¦ isâ⬠¦ capable of attaining the highest degree of efficiency, and is in this sense formally the most rational known means of carrying out imperative control over human beings. It is superior to any other form in precision, in stability, in the stringency of its discipline, and in its reliability. It thus makes possible a particularly high degree of calculability of results for the heads of organization and for those acting in relation to it. It is finally superior both in intensive efficiency and in the scope of its operations, and is formally capable of application to all kinds of administrative tasksââ¬â¢, ESO, p. 337. Weber is thus not one of those who regard bureaucracy as synonymous with inefficiency: quite the reverse, it is the supremely efficient way of conducting administration. This is why is has been adopted by capitalistic firms, and in every institution. An institution served by a bureaucracy will out-perform its competitors, and prevail in the struggle for survival: bureaucracy has spread and continues to spread because of its survival value for social institutions. ââ¬ËWhen those subject to bureaucratic control seek to escape the influence of the existing bureaucratic apparatus, this is normally possible only by creating an organization of their own which is equally subject to the process of bureaucratizationââ¬â¢, GM, p. 38 ââ¬â because they canââ¬â¢t beat a bureaucracy except with the aid of another one. (This is the theme of the book on Political Parties by Weberââ¬â¢s protege Roberto Michels; his book shows how the Marxist Social Democratic Party, despite its belief in internal democracy, had become thoroughly bureaucratized and undemocratic. Later Trotsky explained Stalinism as a ââ¬Ëbureaucratic deformationââ¬â¢ of Marxism. ) Just as Adam Smithââ¬â¢s pin makers who divide their labour will make more pins and sell them more cheaply than their ld-fashioned competitors, and will drive them out of the market, so an army with a general staff, a government with a bureaucracy, a pope with a chancery, a firm with an efficient office, will prevail over their competitors. Bureaucracy is in fact the division of labour applied to administration, and bureaucracy occupies the same place in Weberââ¬â¢s account of the development of modern civilization as division of labour in general occupies in Adam Smithââ¬â¢s account. For Weber this species of division of labour is more fundamental than the others because it initiates and orders other divisions of labour. Instructions come to the factory floor from the office. Just as Adam Smith saw division of labour in general as the cause of progress toward modern, generically commercial, society, so Weber sees bureaucracy as one of the most important causes of the development of capitalism specifically. He points to many cooperating causes (see Collins), and in The Spirit of Capitalism puts some emphasis on the moral causes ââ¬â on the factors that made people strive for ever increasing profit, and to use their profits not for consumption but for further investment. But among the causal factors he often mentions the adoption of rational accounting methods: no amount of will to make a profit, or willingness to invest, would have had the desired result if investment and management had not been guided by systematic accounting, carried on of course increasingly by a bureaucracy. Once some began to be systematic others had to follow suit or go under. Labourers were ââ¬Ëseparatedââ¬â¢ from the old-fashioned means of production by the superior effectiveness of production guided by systematic accounting ââ¬â they could get a better living as employees. Capitalists adopted machinery and other innovations when their bureaucracy analyzing the possibilities of investment found that such innovation would be profitable. In fact a bureaucracy finds its own capitalists. As modern Weberians have pointed out, modern firms are run, not by owners, but by their managers, who often initiate the issuing of shares to raise capital, or seek loans or investments. But although Weber regards bureaucracy as supremely efficient, he regards its inevitable triumph with distaste. Paralleling the distinction between ââ¬Ëgoal-rationalââ¬â¢ and ââ¬Ëvalue-rationalââ¬â¢ (and perhaps the same distinction in other words) is a distinction between ââ¬Ëformalââ¬â¢ and ââ¬Ësubstantiveââ¬â¢ rationality. Society is ââ¬Ëformallyââ¬â¢ rational when things are organized to maximise the attainment of peopleââ¬â¢s goals, whatever they are. But it may be formally rational without being ââ¬Ësubstantivelyââ¬â¢ rational, because this organization is inimical to values rationally paramount over the goals actually served. One of these values is personal freedom, to which bureaucracy is inimical. The quality which best guarantees promotion [in a bureaucracy] is a measure of pliancy toward the apparatus,â⬠¦ of ââ¬Å"convenienceâ⬠for his superiorââ¬â¢, ES, p. 1449. Socialism would mean one unified bureaucratic system: at least now there are alternative and competing bureaucracies; see ES, pp. 1402-3, 1453-4, and Beetham, pp. 82-9. So for Weber bureaucracy occupies the place capitalism has for Marx, of the admired enemy, spreading inexorably throughout the world and into every department of life. But Weber foresees no ââ¬Ëdeath-knellââ¬â¢. Bureaucracy is inescapable. But Weber does not believe that there is no point in resisting the inevitable. He was himself politically active, in a despairing kind of way ââ¬â he did not expect to have success, but he went on ââ¬Ëresolutelyââ¬â¢, like a Stoic. Weber as politician takes his stand on certain values although (as a scientist) he cannot rationally justify them, and takes ââ¬Ëresponsibilityââ¬â¢ for organising action aimed at realising those values although he knows that action may fail. Weber contrasts the status honour of the bureaucrat with the responsibility of politician; see ES, pp. 1403-4, 1417, 1438. If a bureaucratââ¬â¢s superior gives him a directive he considers wrong he should object, but if the superior insists ââ¬Ëit is his duty and even his honour to carry it out as if it corresponded to his innermost convictionââ¬â¢, On the other hand ââ¬Ëthe politician must publicly reject the responsibility for political actions that run counter to his convictions and must sacrifice his office to themââ¬â¢. A genuine political leader will be ready to accept responsibility for morally dubious action, since the different parts of our value system are irreconcilably in conflict; GM pp. 118-28, 147ff. ââ¬ËThe essence of politics is struggleââ¬â¢ (ES, pp. 1415, 1450) to attain power; political leaders must be selected through competitive struggle. They will enter parliament only if that is the way to real power; see ES, pp. 1409, 1414, 1420-1, 1450. The real leaderââ¬â¢s task is not merely to compromise interests as if politics were like a market place, but to take a stand on issues that transcend material interests; see Beetham, pp. 222-6, 144-7. A person is more likely to care about such issues, and be willing to sacrifice office to conviction, if he is financially independent ââ¬â he must live ââ¬Ëforââ¬â¢, not ââ¬Ëoffââ¬â¢ politics; see ES, pp. 1427, 1448, and GM pp. 84-5. See Max Weber on Capitalism Return to Politics, Philosophy and Medieval Studies How to cite Max Weber, Papers Max Weber Free Essays This paper intends to highlight the facts concerning Max Weber. This includes general history, his education, major contributions, theories, as well as, the critical contributions he made. General History Max Weber was born in Erfurt, South Germany in 21 April 1864 (Morrison, 1995). We will write a custom essay sample on Max Weber or any similar topic only for you Order Now He passed away in June 1920 (Morrison, 1995). He brilliantly finished school at an early age and then went on to teach at several universities in Germany while delivering thought-provoking lectures and writing what are to be considered his major contributions to politics, sociology, economics etc (Morrison, 1995). Education Max Weber was an outstanding student (Morrison, 1995). Furthermore, he holds a bachelorââ¬â¢s degree in law and a doctorate in political economy which he both earned in Berlin (Morrison, 1995). Moreover, he also attended University of Heidelberg, as well as, University of Gottingen (Morrison, 1995). Major Contributions Max Weberââ¬â¢s contribution to the world of economy, law public administration, philosophy, political economy, politics, as well as, sociology include the following: 1) Major research projects on capitalism, methodology, and religion like the ââ¬Å"The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalismâ⬠specifically ââ¬Å"The Religions of the Eastâ⬠wherein he looked into the relationship between religious and philosophical ideas in the east and the development, (as well as, inadequacy of it) of capitalism in that geographical area; 2) ââ¬Å"Economy and Societyâ⬠which is taken to be Max Weberââ¬â¢s most ambitious theoretical and historical work; 3) theory of bureaucracy; 4) types of legitimate domination; 5) concept of rationality; 6) etc (Morrison, 1995). Theories Max Weberââ¬â¢s theories are categorized under ââ¬Å"bureaucracyâ⬠(Morrison, 1995). For him, this concerns the continuous, rational, professionalized, as well as, rule-governed form of administration (Morrison, 1995). In addition to that, Weber believes that bureaucracy is aà form of an administration that do not entail any kind of personal, irrational, or emotional feelings (Morrison, 1995). Furthermore, he associated the phenomenon of bureaucratic development or bureaucratization with rationalization, as well as, modernization (Morrison, 1995). Moreover, he also claimed that bureaucratic development is related to the division of labor or specialization, in terms of administration and not economic production (Morrison, 1995). Also, he said that bureaucracy is excellent since it is characterized by efficiency, impartiality, as well as, efficiency but from it also arise dangers including its incompatibility with democracy, as well as, alienation of the public from the processes of bureaucracy (Morrison, 1995). Critical Contributions One of the most critical contributions of Max Weber is known as the legitimate types of authority (Morrison, 1995). First of all, he claims that legitimate authority and legitimate domination is one and the same (Morrison, 1995). Second, he states that domination is not similar with power (Morrison, 1995). Explaining further, ââ¬Å"power according to Max Weber is the capacity of an individual to do something even if resistance comes into play while domination is a right of the ruler to command and to be obeyed (Morrison, 1995). Third, according to him the three types of legitimate domination or authority are the following: 1) rational-legal, which is based on legal precepts and rules and that obedience is something that is impersonally owed and obligatory wherein an order is the source of authority; 2) traditional, which is established on what norms are acceptable and practiced, including rites and rituals which are carried out wherein the family is the source of authority; and 3) charismatic, which is instituted in the qualities of the leader considered to be extraordinary especially when it comes to the capability of the leader to inspire his followers eventually making his followers obey him (Morrison, 1995). References Morrison, K. (1995). Marx, Durkheim, Weber: Formations of Modern Social Thought. London: Sage Productions. à à How to cite Max Weber, Essay examples
Subscribe to:
Post Comments (Atom)
No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.